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29 octobre 2015 4 29 /10 /octobre /2015 22:20

Intifada ?

- Cisjordanie : nouvelle attaque au couteau [mercredi] (AFP) - "Un Palestinien a blessé une Israélienne au couteau près [du Goush Etzion] entre Bethléem et Hébron, et a été arrêté" ; "L'attaque est survenue à l'extérieur d'un supermarché".

- Cisjordanie: un Palestinien poignarde un soldat israélien [jeudi] avant d'être tué (AFP) - "Un Palestinien a attaqué et poignardé un soldat près du tombeau des Patriarches à Hébron. Les forces de sécurité ont répondu et tiré sur l'attaquant" ; "Peu après l'attaque, des heurts ont mis aux prises jeunes Palestiniens et forces israéliennes aux environs immédiates du tombeau".

- Cisjordanie : une attaque au couteau manquée [encore ce jeudi à Hébron] (AFP) - « L'assaillant palestinien a tenté de poignarder un soldat israélien à un poste de sécurité. Les forces sur place (...) lui ont tiré dessus. »

- Le conflit israélo-palestinien se joue au coeur de Hébron (AFP) - "L'armée israélienne, interrogée par l'AFP, affirme que ses soldats ont agit "en état de légitime défense" à Hébron. "Les consignes de tir ont été respectées", a assuré un responsable militaire en soulignant que cette ville est un "lieu de tension permanente en raison du facteur religieux" et "le centre le plus actif" du mouvement islamiste Hamas en Cisjordanie".

- Une ville palestinienne nomme une rue d’après un terroriste (JTA) - "La ville natale en Cisjordanie d’un terroriste palestinien qui a poignardé deux Israéliens à Jérusalem nommera une rue en sa mémoire".

- .@UNRWA teacher posts "Stab the Jews" video (Elder of Ziyon) - "UNRWA teacher Najlaa Nojom lives in Bethlehem. She recently shared this video, glorifying stabbing Jews, on her Facebook timeline".

- Abbas demande un "régime de protection internationale" pour le peuple palestinien "de toute urgence" (AFP) - "s'exprimant lors d'une réunion spéciale du Conseil des droits de l'Homme de l'ONU, demandée par les Palestiniens" ; ""Nous avons besoin de votre protection. Protégez-nous, protégez-nous. Nous avons besoin de vous", a-t-il lancé, jugeant "inutile de perdre du temps dans des négociations juste pour le plaisir des négociations" ; "M. Abbas a également accusé les "forces d'occupation" israéliennes d'avoir "récemment intensifié ses pratiques criminelles au point de mener des exécutions extra-judiciaires contre des civils palestiniens sans défense"."

- Losing Palestine, Haviv Rettig Gur (Times of Israel) - "These young killers are striving, in their kamikaze fervor, to rekindle the idea among Palestinians that straightforward victory remains possible, if only because the alternative – the possibility that Israel cannot be dislodged, that the nostalgic vision of an undivided, unfettered Palestine cannot be reclaimed — is simply too monstrous to accept".
"[...] The First Intifada, beginning in 1987, was a genuinely popular effort supported by broad swaths of Palestinian society. Its intent was thus more amorphous and more authentic than any specific strategy adopted later on, authentic enough to lead to fundamental shifts in how many Israelis perceived the moral claim the Palestinians had on the Jewish state. The Second Intifada of 2000, with its clear and oft-stated strategy — to cause enough pain and fear in the Israelis that they will choose of their own accord to leave the land – was not born in the grassroots, but at the very least enjoyed the apparent mobilization of Palestinian elites.
The latest wave of terrorism has broad support neither among the people nor among the elites. Indeed, one of the most remarkable facts about the stabbings and protests that so dominate the headlines of the past few weeks is how few Palestinians are actually participating in them: a few hundred, and at moments of dramatic mobilization — such as the occasional “days of rage” called by Arab leaders — perhaps a few thousand.
This absence is a fact that television news or viral Internet videos fail to convey, since they are ill-equipped to tell a story they cannot show on video. Yet the simple arithmetic is undeniable: the Palestinian people are not lashing out at the Israelis. They are staying home. The elites, meanwhile, are paying lip service to the “martyrs” — the PA’s lip service can be rabid, to be sure, openly celebrating the stabbing of children or offering anti-Semitic blood libels in official media — but are simultaneously acting with determination on the ground to disrupt and stop the attacks against Israelis, and even, more rarely, to offer arguments against them.
In this absence of the people and the elites from the fighting, in the quiet, desperate effort to end the violence alongside the public need to affirm its legitimacy, a deeper message emerges. These youths — the average age of the attackers hovers at around 20 — who are killing Israelis, and often dying almost instantly in the attempt, are lauded as martyrs among Palestinians not so much because Palestinians believe their deaths have meaning, but because it is too agonizing to admit publicly that they do not. In their refusal to recognize Palestinian authorities outside their own online networks, in their appeals to religion and each other rather than the old heroes of the Palestinian “resistance” that lend their names to the more established armed groups, they are making a passionate plea to their own society to reclaim a vision that their society has largely abandoned.
They are resisting more than the Israeli occupation (we are describing the terrorists’ narrative for the moment; most Israelis believe the occupation persists because of the violence, not the other way around). They are battling, too, the growing Palestinian realization that their national movement has no answers, no narrative or political vision that offers a way forward to better days. These young killers are striving, in their kamikaze fervor, to rekindle the idea among Palestinians that straightforward victory remains possible, if only because the alternative – the possibility that Israel cannot be dislodged, that the nostalgic vision of an undivided, unfettered Palestine cannot be reclaimed — is simply too monstrous to accept.
So it is significant that their actions are loudly celebrated and quietly regretted. Unlike in the Second Intifada, when many Palestinians believed the suicide bombings, for all their brutality, could at least be justified by the hope that they might produce real results, few Palestinians now expect or even seriously fantasize that any sort of victory might flow from these new suicides. The deaths of these young killers, who proclaim their brutal acts are a reclamation of Palestinian self-respect, only deepen the despair and sense of indignity among the countrymen they leave behind.
The Palestinian national movement once had a coherent narrative. The Israeli polity, it claimed, was a political construct resting on force of arms and doomed to collapse under the weight of its own injustice, taking with it back to the colonialist, imperialist West the millions of Jews it dragged into this land. This narrative formed the underlying logic of Palestinian terrorism. Brutality was lionized precisely because in this analysis of the Israeli enemy, exacting a high cost for Israel’s continued existence hastened the day of its collapse, of its succumbing to its inherent weaknesses.
This narrative drove Palestinian politics for generations. It was believed by moderates and extremists alike. Its essential premise, that the Jews of Israel are not a rights-bearing nation with nowhere else to go, but rather a colonialist ideological construct imposed on this land by foreigners, has become a pillar of more than Palestinian politics; it lies at the root of Palestinian identity, of what Palestinian nationhood has come to mean. Palestine, an identity that had no political expression until Zionism came into being, is for Palestinians, at least in part, that cultural and social reality delineated by the experience of being pushed back by the invading imperialism of the Jews.
None of that takes away from the Palestinians either their nationhood or their history. Such identities and narratives can only be given to a nation by itself. Indeed, Palestinian intellectuals usually agree that the challenge of Zionism coalesced Palestinian national feeling to resist the newcomer.
Yet this vision of the Jewish state has a glaring problem: it has failed monstrously to predict events. Israel, that supposedly hollow shell, that artificial ideological construct, has failed to collapse under its own weight. Indeed, it is the Arab world that has collapsed around it while the Jewish state continues, maddeningly, unjustly, to flourish. The promise of Israel’s inner weakness, offered to the Palestinians as often by Jewish activists as by Palestinian ideologues, has betrayed them. The Jews have failed to leave, and despite the rallying of a handful of radical Jewish intellectuals to the cause, won’t even acknowledge that their national identity is something less than authentic. [...]
The Palestinian national movement has paid a monstrous price for its misreading of the Jews — for failing to understand that Israeli Jews are largely the descendants of refugees who had nowhere else to go in the brutalities of the 20th century, and thus could not be driven away with terrorism as scattered European colonialists, far from their distant homelands but never estranged from them, emphatically could. The Jews’ resilience to Arab violence lies not in historical realities, but in psychological ones; the Jews believe that they are a people defending themselves, and that is enough to inoculate them to terrorism. Terrorism, after all, is an attempt to exact a cost from a certain behavior; it depends heavily on the victims perceiving a viable alternative to their present behavior. [...]
It’s not hard to understand why the Palestinians have struggled to come to terms with the Jewish presence in this sense. The barriers to recognition are immense. If the Jews can’t be made to leave, if the foundational strategy of scaring them off wasn’t rooted in an understanding of what that might entail – that is, of how the alternatives to this homeland might appear in the Jews’ collective psyche – then what is the value of Palestinian sacrifices made on the altar of this misbegotten strategy?
Indeed, if the Jews of “colonialist” Israel cannot be dislodged, does that mean they are not like other colonial projects that could be made to collapse? If they are not colonists who can be pushed back to Germany or Russia or Iraq or Morocco from whence they came, what are they? What is to be done with the fact of the enemy’s implacable claims to nationhood, which clash so directly with Palestinian claims?
Nations have rights, and do not lose these rights when they err. That is why Palestinian leaders are so fearful of acquiescing to Israel’s demand that they recognize Jewish nationhood; among their arguments against the demand, one is paramount: it amounts to recognition of Jewish national "rights", a vastly more profound concession than Palestinian moderates’ acknowledgment of Jewish "power".
Failure has not yet led to any serious consideration that the premise at the heart of the Palestinian strategy may be wrong. No Palestinian who matters, who shapes opinion or controls militias, is willing to be the first to acknowledge defeat.
And so even as Palestinian public opinion grows weary of the pointlessness of the current struggle, Palestinian politics remain trapped in the lingering uncertainty, an uncertainty that is Hamas’s lifeblood and validation: What if we are giving up too soon? What if a little more pain, a little more sacrifice, will yet redeem and restore all that has been lost? Few really believe that anymore in Palestine, but none are yet willing to seek another path."


Amnesty International

- Les forces israéliennes doivent mettre fin à la multiplication des homicides illégaux dans les territoires palestiniens occupés (Amnesty International) - "Les forces israéliennes ont perpétré une série d’homicides illégaux de Palestiniens en recourant à une force meurtrière sans justification, a déclaré Amnesty International mardi 27 octobre".

- Amnesty´s War on Israel: Accusations of "Unlawful Killings" without Evidence (NGO Monitor)
"On October 27, 2015, Amnesty International published a fundamentally flawed statement alleging a “clear pattern…of lethal force being used unlawfully by Israeli forces following a wave of recent stabbing attacks by Palestinians against Israeli civilians and military or police forces in Israel and the occupied West Bank.” This is at least the third statement from Amnesty since the escalation of Palestinian terror attacks beginning October 1 that makes such accusations, and demonstrates the organization’s on-going obsession with and disproportionate focus on Israel. None of Amnesty’s prior statements has focused exclusively on Israeli victims of these attacks, which have numbered in the hundreds – each one illegal and a blatant violation of human rights and domestic and international law. Moreover, Amnesty has remained silent on the vicious antisemitism and incitement campaign promoted by Palestinian officials, which has spurred on the attacks against Israeli civilians.
Amnesty International promotes an ideological agenda utilizing anonymous “witnesses,” cherry-picked “evidence,” and false statements of law, to portray Palestinians as sole victims and Israelis as continual aggressors regardless of specific events and policies. This statement is no exception.
1. No evidence: Amnesty presents zero evidence to support its allegations. It does present entirely unverified and unverifiable testimony from anonymous Palestinian eyewitnesses. Israeli victims and security personnel are not mentioned.
Amnesty deliberately ignores existing evidence, including multiple videos that demonstrate the lethality and chaos of the stabbing, shooting, and car-ramming attacks. (Some of these videos can be viewed here, here, and here. They are graphic; viewer discretion advised.) The one selective reference to a video is where Amnesty cannot determine the salient question as to whether the Palestinian had a knife in his hand or not.
2. Failure to establish a “clear pattern”: Amnesty cherry-picks four incidents out of dozens where security forces neutralized attackers. (And one of the four is from before October 1 and irrelevant to the responses to the current wave of terror attacks.) A comprehensive evaluation of Israeli responses to ongoing terror attacks would show a pattern of justifiable shootings, as well as numerous instances of Israeli police protecting wounded and detained perpetrators from vigilante justice.
Moreover, as seen in the videos of the incidents, in addition to rampaging against unarmed civilians, the Palestinian attackers have violently confronted and tried to kill security personnel. Yet, Amnesty asserts, without knowledge, evidence or context, that Israeli officers could and should have used less force.
3. Erroneous legal claims: Amnesty writes that “heavily armed soldiers and police wearing body armour facing a possible knife attack have a duty to use proportionate and graduated force and attempt to arrest suspects before resorting to the use of lethal force.” There is no requirement under international law that security forces, even those wearing body armor, must risk being severely injured or killed, or that they are prohibited from using lethal force when being charged at by an attacker.
4. Lack of credible researchers: The statement claims to present “findings of an ongoing research trip to the West Bank.” However, the researchers and staff members assigned to reporting on Israel have clear histories as anti-Israel activists, and generate analyses that are both inaccurate and blatantly prejudiced.
Jacob Burns (research and campaign assistant), who currently is in the region, previously worked for Forensic Architecture, a pseudo-scientific project that, in partnership with Amnesty International, made unsubstantiated charges of Israeli war crimes. In addition, Deborah Hyams (“researcher”) has an extensive background in radical anti-Israel activism, including acting as a “human shield” in Beit Jala (near Bethlehem) in 2001. Saleh Hijazi (“campaigner”) previously worked in PR for the Palestinian Authority and for the NGO “Another Voice” – under the group’s signature “Resist! Boycott! We Are Intifada!” As long as these individuals are involved in producing research publications, analyses, and other materials relating to Israel, Amnesty cannot be considered a credible or impartial party to the conflict."

- Outrageous: Amnesty accuses Israel of planting knives on Arabs after they are shot (Elder of Ziyon)
"Amnesty International issued another one-sided report that claims that Israeli forces are shooting Arabs who pose no danger to them. Every example they give is based on "eyewitness" testimony which even Amnesty has admitted is often based on lies. [...]
Even though there have been dozens of stabbing attacks causing injuries and deaths, and even though Palestinian media is glorifying the youths who are stabbing Jews, Amnesty is assuming that the people who cheer the attacks are honest and the ones who are the intended victims are liars. Amnesty believes the "eyewitnesses" who are under tremendous social pressure not to say anything that goes against their narrative. [...]"

- .@Amnesty "researchers" proven again to be anti-Israel slanderers (Elder of Ziyon) - "The man whom Amnesty used as their most "egregious case" of Israeli crimes is now shown to have planned his attempted murder. The "witness" was lying. And Amnesty's "researchers" Jacob Burns and Sunjeev Bery ignored the advice from their own about the dangers of believing people with an agenda and chose to believe her".


"Processus de paix"

- Analyse : Rabin aurait-il établi la paix avec les Palestiniens ?, Nahum Barnea (Yediot Aharonot) - "Un accord de paix n’aurait pas été signé : le fossé entre les deux parties était bien trop profond, les attentes étaient trop fortes, la crainte du prix politique et personnel à payer était bien trop élevée" ; "Lorsqu’on demande aux architectes du processus d’Oslo quelle fut la plus grande réussite de l’accord, ils désignent la Ligue arabe. L’accord, selon eux, a permis aux gouvernements arabes de se détacher des “trois non” de la résolution de Khartoum" ; "quatre réussites de cet accord persistent : l’accord de paix avec la Jordanie, la coordination sécuritaire et les accords économiques avec les Palestiniens, ainsi que l’intégration d’Israël sur les marchés internationaux".
"Yitzhak Rabin n’était pas le messager de la paix ; les anges existent seulement dans les contes de fées. Les balles qui lui ont été fatales ont réécrit son histoire. Le vrai et complexe Rabin a disparu, tandis que le personnage fictif a repris le récit. [...]
Rabin était un excellent officier d’Etat-major, probablement le meilleur de la Guerre d’Indépendance. Sa force réside dans sa pensée organisée, son analyse extrêmement détaillée, sa précision, son sérieux, sa prise de responsabilité, son intégrité et sa solennité. Tous ces traits de caractère sont beaucoup plus rares qu’on ne le pense. L’armée israélienne a formé de nombreux officiers brillants qui étaient négligents, ou avaient tendance à mentir en situation de stress, ou impliqués dans des querelles et des intrigues. Rabin n’était pas ceux-là.
Il a été élu pour un second et dernier mandat avec une forte envie de laisser une trace, de résoudre des problèmes fondamentaux. Il était convaincu l’accord historique qu’il conclurait serait meilleur pour Israël que celui que ses successeurs pourraient mener à bien.
Il a été entraîné dans les Accords d’Oslo contre son gré, et contre ses intentions.Au cours de la campagne électorale de 1992, il a promis de parvenir à un accord dans un délai de neuf mois. Il faisait allusion à la Syrie. A l’époque, le pays était sous le choc après la mort d’Helena Rapp, une collégienne de 15 ans victime d’un attentat terroriste. Rabin, le “monsieur sécurité”, s’était alors positionné à la droite du Premier ministre Yitzhak Shamir.
Après l’échec du projet avec la Syrie, principalement dû à l’imprudence du secrétaire d’Etat américain Warren Christopher, Rabin a dû combler le vide avec un autre partenaire, et l’alternative fut Oslo. Mais sa motivation principale était de politique intérieure. Rabin croyait que s’il refusait la demande de Shimon Peres, à l’époque ministre des Affaires étrangères, de parvenir à un accord avec les Palestiniens, ce dernier comploterait en vue de l’expulser de la direction du Parti travailliste.
Tant que les négociations furent secrètes, Rabin s’est permis d’exprimer ses réserves. Le 7 juin 1993, deux mois et demi avant la signature de l’Accord d’Oslo, il envoyait une lettre officielle à Peres dans laquelle il lui demandait d’interrompre les pourparlers. Il se ravisa un peu plus tard. La cérémonie de signature de l’accord à Washington devait avoir lieu sans Yitzhak Rabin, afin de lui épargner la nécessité de serrer la main de Yasser Arafat. Mais après l’insistance du président américain Bill Clinton, Rabin est finalement venu. Il est aussi possible que l’humiliation de Peres au dernier moment l’avait satisfait, c’est vrai que le “rouquin” (Rabin) pouvait être méchant. [...]
Arafat avait l’habitude de dire que si Rabin n’avait pas été assassiné, il y aurait eu un accord de paix israélo-palestinien. Cette position fut adoptée par beaucoup de dirigeants occidentaux, ainsi que par une grande partie de la gauche israélienne.
Personne ne sait ce qui serait advenu si Rabin avait survécu. Néanmoins, vingt années d’échec peuvent être une leçon. Un accord de paix n’aurait pas été signé : le fossé entre les deux parties était bien trop profond, les attentes étaient trop fortes, la crainte du prix politique et personnel à payer était bien trop élevée.
Tandis qu’Arafat et Rabin avancèrent prudemment vers un accord, Arafat finançait et encourageait les actes terroristes et Rabin finançait et encourageait l’établissement d’implantations en Cisjordanie, particulièrement aux alentours de Jérusalem.
En Israël, le soutien à l’accord d’Oslo fut fragile dès le début du processus, et la situation sur le terrain peu propice. Le rassemblement du 4 novembre fut organisé en réponse aux manifestations de masse de la droite, menées par Benyamin Netanyahou. La droite avait le contrôle dans les rues. Lorsque les organisateurs du rassemblement ont demandé la participation d’artistes, ces derniers ont tous refusé, à l’exception d’un ou deux qui n’avaient rien à perdre à l’époque. Si Rabin avait survécu et s’était présenté aux élections de 1996, je doute qu’il eût pu gagner. [...]
Lorsqu’on demande aux architectes du processus d’Oslo quelle fut la plus grande réussite de l’accord, ils désignent la Ligue arabe. L’accord, selon eux, a permis aux gouvernements arabes de se détacher des “trois non” de la résolution de Khartoum (1967) et de se rapprocher de l’Initiative de paix arabe (2002). Evidemment, le problème reste la rupture entre le gouvernement, le peuple, et la prise de pouvoir par les organisations terroristes. Les années n’ont pas réduit la haine à l’égard Israël dans le monde arabe, bien au contraire.
Toutefois, quatre réussites de cet accord persistent : l’accord de paix avec la Jordanie, la coordination sécuritaire et les accords économiques avec les Palestiniens, ainsi que l’intégration d’Israël sur les marchés internationaux. Près de 150 entreprises multinationales se sont implantées en Israël suite aux accords. On ne peut noter le succès économique d’Israël sans évoquer Oslo, et les adhésions américaine et européenne au processus. [...]"



- 35 Syriens tués dans des raids sur des hôpitaux (AFP) - "L'accroissement des frappes aériennes dont l'organisation [MSF] n'a pas identifié l'origine et qui ont débuté fin septembre, a touché 12 hôpitaux dans les province d'Idleb (ouest), Alep (nord) et Hama (centre), dont six soutenus par MSF".

- Syrie : les raids russes ont fait 600 morts en un mois (AFP) - "L'OSDH a décompté 595 morts jusqu'au 29 octobre, dont 279 rebelles modérés et islamistes alliés au Front al Nosra, branche syrienne d'al-Qaïda, 131 jihadistes du groupe Etat Islamique (EI) et 185 civils dont 46 femmes et 48 enfants".

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